The true test of a society and its leaders
December 12th, 2009
War
is hell, as the saying
goes. Murder, on the other hand,
is a crime. In this age of the “long war” pitting
the United States against the forces of global terror, it is
critical that the American people be able to distinguish between the
two. The legitimate application of military power to a problem that manifests
itself, directly or indirectly, as a threat to the legitimate national
security interests of the United States, while horrible in
terms of its consequences, is not
only defensible but
mandatory.
The
true test of a
society and its leaders is the
extent to which every effort is made to
both properly define a problem as one worthy of
military intervention and then exhaust every option other
than the use of force. It is true that President Barack Obama inherited
the war in Afghanistan from his predecessor and therefore cannot be held
accountable for that which transpired beyond his ability to influence.
But the president’s recent decision to “surge” 30,000 additional
U.S. military troops into Afghanistan transfers ownership
of the Afghan conflict to him and him alone.
It is in this light that his decision
must be ultimately
judged.
In
many ways,
Obama’s presentation before
the Long Gray Line at West Point, in which
he explained his decision to conduct the Afghanistan surge,
represented an insult to the collective intelligence of the American people.
The most egregious contradiction in his speech was the notion that the people
of Afghanistan, who, throughout their history, have resisted central authority
whether emanating from Kabul or imposed by outside invaders,
would somehow be compelled to embrace
this new American
plan.
At its
heart, the strategy
requires a fiercely independent people
to swear fealty to a man, Hamid Karzai, whose tenure
as Afghanistan’s president has been
marred by inefficiencies and
corruption…
…For
any military-based
solution to have a chance of succeeding,
we would need to deploy into Afghanistan an army
of social scientists capable of navigating the complex reality
of intertribal and interethnic relationships. They would require not
only astute diplomatic skills that would enable them to bring together Hazara
Shiite and Pashtun Sunni, or Uzbek and Tadjik, or any other combination of
the myriad of peoples who make up the populace of Afghanistan, but also
an understanding of multiple native languages and dialects. But the
reality is we are instead dispatching 20-year-old boys from
Poughkeepsie whose skill set, perfected during several
months of predeployment training, is more conducive
to firing three rounds center
mass into a human
body.
The
nation-building or
“civilian strategy” envisioned by
President Obama, impossibly ambitious even
under the most ideal conditions, simply cannot be achieved
with the resources at hand, whether in 18 months or 18 years. That he
has chosen to place at risk the lives of even more American
troops, and by extension the citizens of Afghanistan
and Pakistan, in the pursuit of such
unattainable ambition is
inexcusable.
The
“war on terror” has
shredded the concept of the rule of
law, at least as applied by the United States within
the context of this struggle. While Obama has made moves to
fix some of the symptoms of the flawed policies of his predecessor,
the underlying foundation of American arrogance and exceptionalism
from which such policies emerged remains unchanged. There is no
more telling example of this than the current program of targeted
assassination taking place under the guise of armed unmanned
aerial drones (also known as remotely piloted
vehicles, or RPVs) operating in the
Af-Pak theater of
operations…
Rather
than furthering the
U.S. cause in the “war on terror,”
the RPV program, which President Obama seeks
to expand in the Af-Pak theater, in reality represents a
force-enhancement tool for the Taliban. Its indiscriminate
application of death and destruction serves as a recruitment vehicle,
with scores of new jihadists rising up to replace each individual who might
have been killed by a missile attack. Like the surge that it is designed to
complement, the expanded RPV program plays into the hands of those
whom America is ostensibly targeting. While the U.S. military, aided
by a fawning press, may seek to disguise the reality of the RPV
program through catchy slogans such as “warheads through
foreheads,” in reality it is murder by another name.
And when murder represents the centerpiece of
any national effort, yet alone one that aspires
to win the “hearts and minds” of the
targeted population, it is
doomed to
fail.
In
practicing
the art of war, it is
most desirable to take the
opposing country whole and intact,
rather than assaulting and destroying it.
So too is it preferable to take an
opposing army whole, a
regiment, a company,
a squad.
The
greatest excellence,
then, is not to fight one hundred times
and win, but to break the resistance
of the opponent without
ever resorting to
bloodshed.
Therefore,
the highest strategy is to
confound the opponent’s plans; next best,
to undo his alliances; next, to attack his
troops in battle; last of all, to besiege
the walls of his
cities.
To
attack a walled city
is always the option of last resort.
Preparing positions and weapons and shelters
for such a siege takes months. Unable to control himself,
an intemperate officer will launch his warriors at
the walls like ants. A third of them will be slain,
and still the city will stand. These are
the disastrous results of
a siege.
Therefore
the skillful leader
breaks her adversary without
a battle, forces cities to submit without
having to march on them, and conquers kingdoms
without getting mired in drawn-out conflict.
Her own troops remain whole, her triumph
complete. This is known as “using
strategy rather than
weapons to
attack.”




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